Robert
Key (Salisbury) (Con): Defence is the first duty of
any Government but, at the moment, the defence world seems
to be in a period of almost perpetual change and uncertainty.
One change is the departure of my right hon. and learned Friend
the Member for Devizes (Mr. Ancram), my neighbour in Wiltshire,
to whom I pay tribute for his unstinting service to our country.
I look forward to him being my neighbour in Wiltshire for many
years to come.
A huge
amount of change is going on all around us. There are difficult
questions of procurement. There are strategic questions about
whether we procure from the EU, the United States or the UK's
400,000 defence work force with their enormous skill. There
are great changes afoot at the Defence Science and Technology
Laboratory, for example, with expansion and relocation from
Farnborough and Malvern to Porton Down in my constituency.
There is the impact on Boscombe Down airfield of the airfield
review that we heard about today, and the impact on companies
such as Qinetiq, which were mentioned earlier. There are also
smaller issues, such as the reconfiguration of the air squadrons.
I shall be very sorry to see Southampton university air squadron
leave Boscombe Down. There is massive change at Winterbourne
Gunner, at the defence nuclear, biological and chemical centre,
with its expansion, and at the police nuclear, biological, chemical
and radiological centre, also at Winterbourne Gunner. There
is concern about the future of Erskine barracks, Wilton, whether
it will be relocating and to where. Will it be Solstice park?
What about Upavon and Abbey Wood? There is constant change
in the world of defence at the moment.
I will
take the advice of the Minister of State and talk to my local
education authority about the question of presentations to
schools. The tri-service presentation teams are underused.
They are superb teams of people and it would be a great opportunity
if they were more widely used, perhaps in schools and colleges.
We
have heard today stories of great pride in our armed forces and
I have great pride, as do we all, in those who follow the flag,
in the civilian employees of the Ministry of Defence, and in
the private sector defence contractors and their staffs. Above
all, I always remember those who gave their lives or sustained
terrible injury in the service of our country. That is why
we have all been so proud of the Royal British Legion in the
past few weeks, centring on poppy day, on Remembrance Sunday.
The
problems of forces families continue—little problems that
they bring to their Members of Parliament. One matter that came
to me again recently, as it did a decade ago, was the problem
of service families obtaining commercial credit in shops because
their lifestyle leads them to two-year postings, which means
that they do not qualify for ordinary hire purchase agreements.
I thought that we had knocked that on the head in the last
Armed Forces Act, but apparently not. That matter will no doubt
come up again. I served on the Committees considering the last
two Armed Forces Bills, and I hope very much that I might be
able to serve on the forthcoming Bill, which will be extremely
important.
On Tuesday
in Westminster abbey, we had the inauguration of the Church
of England General Synod. I am a member of the General Synod
and it gave me enormous pride to see the forces synodical council
represented in Westminster abbey, because it is part of the
Church of England's synodical system, and the chaplain general's
department is very important to Her Majesty's forces. I was
delighted to see the recent announcement of representation
for other faiths, including the Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs.
But the synodical council is important. I found the summary
of the minutes of its last recorded meeting at Amport house
on the Ministry of Defence website, but I regret to say that
although it was an hilarious account of a synodical meeting,
it was dated 22 and 23 April 2002. I hope that it has met more
recently than that. Perhaps it will pay more attention to its
website in future.
There is
a serious side to me mentioning that because in the Church
of England General Synod on Tuesday, the Bishop of Southwark
initiated a debate entitled "Facing the Challenge of Terrorism",
on which the House of Bishops has produced a report, and part
of his motion read:
"That this Synod . . . urge all
political parties, in considering draft legislation to heed
the clear warnings from history about the progressive erosion
of fundamental rights in relation to habeas corpus, free speech
and religious liberty".
We heard
during that debate moving accounts from former servicemen and
civilians on various aspects, including torture. The Archbishop
of Canterbury made a strong intervention, in which he said:
"Torture is an invasion of the dignity
of the human person"
and urged
us as a nation always to look for the moral high ground. We
heard from a former distinguished soldier, who argued that,
whenever the British were tempted to use torture or internment,
we lost the moral high ground. He believed that we let ourselves
down many years ago in Cyprus and should have learned from
our experience of internment in Northern Ireland before considering
locking up people without charge for the famous 90 days. He
described Guantanamo Bay as a concentration camp. There was
little sympathy in the Church of England General Synod for
90-day detainment without charge and less sympathy still for
the religious hatred legislation.
We need
to remember in these defence debates that the expectation of
many of our citizens is that the Government will take the moral
high ground in controlling carefully, for example, our arms
exports, especially considering the worldwide trade in small
arms. We can do precious little about that. There are issues
of extraterritoriality that are difficult to address, but we
should do what we can and we will never regret sticking to
the moral high ground.
I congratulate
the Army in particular on the way in which it looks after its
training estate. It is a remarkable fact that the training
estate, which covers about 125,000 hectares, is some of the
best managed land in the country. The relations between the
Army and civilian population are crucial. I particularly commend
the work of Headquarters Army Training Estate at Westdown camp
on Salisbury plain, which goes to considerable lengths to ensure
that all the parish councils are told exactly what is happening.
In the excellent monthly newsletter that is sent to all the
parishes and to me, there are accounts of when training in
live firing and artillery firing will take place in Salisbury
plain west, north and east, when there will be late firing,
non-firing days, air activities, helicopter night flying, aircraft
trials and parachuting. I always love the monthly conservation
report. This month, it includes a welcome to Rachel Crees,
who works as an environmental adviser for Defence Estates.
She describes touchingly how the plain is one of the most amazing
landscapes in the British Isles, and it is.
Another
aspect of that work has been the extraordinary lengths to which
the military have gone with the European Union life project
on Salisbury plain, which ended in September. That was a £2
million scheme to look after the extensive chalk grasslands,
some of the most precious in Europe. They would not be precious
if it were not for the presence of the British Army for 100
years, which has kept the landscapes, flora and fauna in good
order. Therefore, I congratulate all those who look after the
Army lands in estates the length and breadth of the land.
I
turn to a first-order issue. The hon. Member for Montgomeryshire
(Lembit Öpik) reminded us about the Deepcut experience
and how secretive and unwilling the MOD is to release information.
On 18 October 2003, while he was
addressing the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation forum, the
then United States Secretary of State, Colin Powell, warned
that
"no threat is more serious to aviation"
than man-portable
air defence systems. They are easy to use, readily available
on the black market and pose an imminent and acute threat to
military aircraft and civil airlines.
There
is a huge issue of principle between the British approach to
secrecy and the American approach. The United States Department
of Homeland Security produces an enormous amount of material,
all available on the web. It tells people exactly what the
United States is doing about MANPADS, counter-MANPADS operations
and what the priorities are. It gives examples of commercial
responses, including from BAE Systems and Northrop Grumman.
It believes that those details point out to anyone of ill intent
that the United States is ahead of the game. It gives confidence
to the American people and acts as a deterrent by making plain
what the US Government are doing about that threat. We face
real problems with MANPADS. Their proliferation is a problem,
with at least 500,000 around the world. They are lethal, highly
portable, concealable and cheap—some are only $500. They
are easy to use, so airport perimeter security needs to be
improved. Different air traffic procedures are needed, such
as spiral descents. I have been in one of those and it is not
something that I would like to do every day. Technical countermeasures
are also available, such as infrared decoy flares, direct infrared
energy and missile warning systems.
A huge
effort has been made towards non-proliferation and the Government
have played their part. The effort has included the Wassenaar
arrangements in January 2004, the G8 action plan agreed on
2 June 2003 at Evian, the Bangkok declaration in 2003 and the
Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe conference
in July 2003. Tracing discussion of those issues in Hansard in
both Houses has been an interesting experience. The trail goes
cold after 1 March this year, when there was a question tabled
in the other place. Two years ago, the Science and Technology
Committee produced a report on the scientific response to terrorism.
It came at a time when a lot else was happening and did not
receive much of the spotlight.
I was
a member of the Committee at the time and we visited appropriate
organisations in the United States, from the White House to
the National Institutes of Health, the Centres for Disease
Control and Prevention and the Lawrence Livermore National
Laboratory in California. The message we got wherever we went—military
or civilian, medical or scientific—was that the more
people are told, the better they are defended and the better
the deterrent effect. It is time that our Government started
to place more trust in the British people. The effect on those
who wish to harm us would be very positive. It would mean a
tremendous change in the whole tone of secrecy in this country
and I invite Ministers to consider that in partnership with
other Government Departments. Part of our trouble is that the
lead Department is the Home Office, which has to co-ordinate
our efforts. I would not wish to go as far as the United States
and set up a separate Department, but I do wish to see a Minister
for homeland defence.
The greatest strength of our democratic system is that soaring
way above party politics must be leadership by democratically elected
Governments. We have government by consent, which confers moral
authority on the Government and involves trust between the Government
and the governed. In these days of raised security thresholds,
our Government must change the habit of centuries. The Government
believe that it is necessary progressively to erode our fundamental
rights in respect of habeas corpus, free speech and religious liberty.
If we agree to lend them some of our personal freedom for the common
good, the Government will have to trust the people. |